Myth-busting! To address often repeated hearsay that Chung Keng Quee died in 1898, was born in 1821 and came over when he was 20 years old, none of which claims are ever supported with any robust evidence

 Myth-busting! To address often repeated hearsay that Chung Keng Quee died in 1898, was born in 1821 and came over when he was 20 years old, none of which claims are ever supported with any robust evidence, I present the obituary that appeared in the Pinang Gazette and Straits Chronicle on 13th December 1901, the morning after Chung Keng Quee died (12th December 1901). The same piece, very mildy modified to indicate it had been sourced from the Pinang Gazette was republished in the Straits Times, China Mail and other papers. According to the obituary, likely written by Chung Ah Yong or Chung Thye Phin:

1. Chung Keng Quee died on the evening of 12th December 1901 (not 1898 or any other year).

2. Was 74 years old at the time of his death, not 80, not 85 and  therefore, 

- there was no scroll presented to him on his 75th birthday -- he did not live that long

- he was born in 1901-74 =- 1827 not1821, not 1829 or any other year

3. According to the meticulous records of the 增城縣志 i.e Zengcheng Xian Zhi or Zengcheng Chronicles or Zengcheng Annals, Chung Keng Quee arrived here in 1841. 1841 minus 1827 = 14. He was 14 years old when he arrived here If we take the information from the Pinang Gazette obituary he was 16 when he arrived meaning he arrived in 1843 compared to the info given by the Zengcheng Xian Zhi. Both, however, are still pretty much further away from the 20 years old age, that we can probably trace to Kuang Kuo Hsiang's often criticized Bingcheng San Chi 1958, Sin Chew, Singapore or Hong Kong.

Extracted text and copies of the Pinang Gazette and China Mail included.

Pinang Gazette and Straits Chronicle 

13th December 1901

Page 2

Death of Cheang Keng Kwi

We regret to announce the death of Cheang Keng Kwi, Capitan China of Perak, which took place last night at eleven, at his residence in Church Street, after an illness Lasting only a few days. The deceased was 74 years of age, 56 of which he has resided in the Straits, having first came here when he was 16 and worked in the Perak Tin mines, from which position he has gradually arisen to a place of wealth and influence in the Straits. He made a considerable fortune in his early days in the Perak Tin mines and farming, every dollar of which he lost when the disturbance first broke out in Perak. He rendered much assistance in the suppression of the outbreak. He held the Perak Farms for the past twelve years. The mines he owned at the time of his death were ten, and the aggregate number of coolies employed was 15,000. For many years he occupied the position of member on the Perak Council, but resigned some two years. He has been most liberal with his money and was patron of nearly every local institution. To the Free School extensions be recently contributed some $12,000, and to the Brothers School $6,000. When the troops were withdrawn from the Settlements and the question of the Volunteers was mooted, he offered to give a Maxim gun for the purpose, which was said would cost £500. The offer was, however, refused by the Government. He was an owner of property in the Settlements and the Native States to an immense extent, and also holds property in Hongkong, which in the aggregate is supposed to be worth $10,000,000. It is stated that in Beach Street alone his property is valued at one and a half million dollars. The deceased leaves a wife, ton sons, and five daughters, 2) grand-children, and four great grand-children. The date of the funeral las not been fixed yet, but it is understood that he will be buried in his plantation at Mount Erskine.

China Mail [Hongkong]

30th December 1901

Page 2

DEATH OF CHEANG KENG KWL

A Millionaire's Career.

The death of Cheang Keng Kwi, Capitan of Perak, a millionaire, took place at Penang on the 12th instant, after an illness lasting only a few days. The deceased, says the Penang Gazette, was 74 years of age, 56 of which he had resided in the Straits, having first come here when he was 16 and worked in the Perak tin mines, from which position he gradually rose to wealth and influence, He made a considerable fortune in his early days in the Porak tin mines and farming, every dollar of which he lost when the disturbances first broke out in Perak. He held the l'erak Farms for the past twolve years. The mines he owned at the time of his death were ten, and the aggregate number of coolics employed was 15,000. He was most liberal with his money and was patron of nearly every local institution. To the Free School extensions be recently contributed some $12,000, and to the Brothers' School $6,000. When the troops were with drawn from Penang and the question of the Volun-teers was mooted, he offered to give a Maxim gun for the purpose, which it was said would cost £500. The offer was re-fused by the Government. He was an owner of property in the Settlements and the Native States to an immense extent, and also held property in Hong-kong, which in the aggregate is supposed to be worth $10,000 000. It is stated that in Beach Street, Penang, alone, his property is valued at one and a half million dollars. The deceased leaves a wife, ten sons, and five daughters, 20 grand-children. and four great grand-children. 

揭穿迷思！关于鄭景貴（Chung Keng Quee）生于1821年，卒于1898年，20岁时才来到这里的说法屡见不鲜，但这些说法都缺乏确凿的证据。

 揭穿迷思！关于鄭景貴（Chung Keng Quee）生于1821年，卒于1898年，20岁时才来到这里的说法屡见不鲜，但这些说法都缺乏确凿的证据。

为了澄清这一说法，我特此提供1901年12月13日（即鄭景貴去世后的第二天早上，即1901年12月12日）刊登在《槟城公报》（Pinang Gazette）和《海峡纪事报》（Straits Chronicle）上的讣告。同一篇讣告略作修改，表明其来源是《槟城公报》，并被转载到《海峡时报》（Straits Times）、《中国邮报》（China Mail）和其他报纸上。讣告很可能是由Chung Ah Yong或Chung Thye Phin撰写的，内容如下：

1. 鄭景貴逝世于1901年12月12日晚（而非1898年或其他年份）。

2. 他去世时年仅74岁，而非80岁或85岁，因此:

- 他75岁生日时没有收到任何卷轴——他并没有活那么久。

- 他出生于1901-74年=- 1827年，而非1821年、1829年或其他任何年份。

3. 根据《增城县志》（即《增城县志》或《增城县志》）的详细记载，钟敬贵于1841年抵达此地。1841年减去1827年等于14岁。他抵达时只有14岁。如果我们参考《槟城公报》讣告中的信息，他抵达时只有16岁，这意味着他抵达的时间与《增城县志》中的信息相比，是1843年。然而，两人距离我们或许可以追溯到邝国祥1958年经常被批评的《兵成三尺》（星洲日报、新加坡或香港）的20岁高龄，还有很长的路要走。

摘录文本以及《槟城公报》和《中国邮报》的副本。

《槟城公报》和《海峡纪事报》

1901年12月13日

第2页

张庆贵逝世

我们很遗憾地宣布，霹雳州中国首领鄭景貴于昨晚11点在其位于教堂街的住所因病去世，仅持续了几天。逝者享年74岁，其中66岁居住在海峡。他16岁时首次来到这里，在霹雳州锡矿工作，并以此为业，逐渐在海峡地区积累了财富和影响力。他早年通过经营霹雳锡矿和农业积累了巨额财富，但在霹雳动乱爆发时，他损失殆尽。他为平息动乱提供了很大帮助。过去 12 年来，他一直掌管霹雳农场。他去世时拥有 10 座矿山，雇佣的苦力总数为 15,000 名。多年来，他一直担任霹雳州议会议员，但大约两年后辞职。他慷慨解囊，几乎赞助了所有当地机构。最近，他为免费学校的扩建捐赠了约 12,000 美元，为兄弟学校捐赠了 6,000 美元。当军队撤出租界，志愿军问题被提出时，他提出为此捐赠一挺马克沁机枪，据说价值 500 英镑。然而，这一提议遭到了政府的拒绝。他在殖民地和原住民州拥有巨额财产，在香港也拥有房产，总计价值约1000万美元。据称，仅在海滩街，他的房产就价值150万美元。死者留下了妻子、两个儿子、五个女儿、两个孙辈和四个曾孙辈。葬礼日期尚未确定，但据了解，他将被安葬在厄斯金山的种植园中。

中国邮政[香港]

1901年12月30日

第2页

鄭景貴逝世

百万富翁的职业生涯。

百万富翁、霹雳州首领鄭景貴于本月12日在槟城逝世，此前他仅患病数日。据《槟城公报》报道，张庆贵享年74岁，其中56岁居住在海峡。他16岁时首次来到这里，在霹雳州的锡矿工作，并由此逐渐积累了财富和影响力。他早年在霹雳州的锡矿和农业中积累了巨额财富，但在霹雳州爆发动乱后，他损失殆尽。过去两年，他一直经营霹雳州农场。他去世时拥有十座矿场，雇佣的工人总数达15,000人。他非常慷慨地运用金钱，几乎赞助了所有当地机构。他最近为免费学校的扩建捐款约 12,000 美元，为兄弟学校捐款 6,000 美元。当军队撤出槟城，志愿者的问题被提出时，他提出为此捐赠一挺马克沁机枪，据说价值 500 英镑。这一提议被政府拒绝了。他在殖民地和土著州拥有大量财产，还在香港拥有财产，总计价值 10,000,000 美元。据称，仅在槟城海滩街，他的财产就价值一百五十万美元。死者身后留下了妻子、十个儿子和五个女儿，二十个孙子和四个曾孙。

NOTES ON THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO AND MALACCA COMPILED FROM CHINESE SOURCES by W.P. Groeneveldt

NOTES

ON THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO AND MALACCA.

COMPILED FROM CHINESE SOURCES BY W. P. GROENEVELDT.

PUBLISHED IN THE Transactions of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences.

Vol. 39

BATAVIA, W. BRUINING.

THE HAGUE, M. NIJHOFF.

1876.

The calendar turns on a year that did not go quietly. We carry the salt of those long months on our skin— the nights where the silence felt too heavy to hold, and the sharp, jagged edges of plans that came undone. We learned that strength isn't always a roar; sometimes it is just the quiet rhythm of breathing when the world feels like it has run out of air. . . But we also carry the warmth of the unexpected. The way the light hit the kitchen table in March, the neighbor who waved when we felt invisible, the laughter that broke through the grief like a sudden rain. We are made of these fragments now— the bruises that turned into callouses, the tears that cleared our vision for what truly matters. . . Now, 2026 stands before us like a fresh fall of snow, untouched and waiting for the weight of our footsteps. Do not ask this year to be perfect; ask it to be kind. Leave the shadows of "what if" at the threshold and walk into the morning with empty, open hands. We have been forged by the cold, it is true, but that is exactly how we learned to recognize the sun.

History of the Penang Town Hall

A TOWN HALL QUESTION FOR PENANG. The Independent discourses on the insufficiency of the accommodation of the Penang Town Hall owing to the space taken up by the Municipal Offices. It gives the following account of how the Hall was built:— Long years ago, in the sixties, or thereabouts, certain owners of properties along the then Beach Street foreshore, were surprised as well as delighted at a species of natural reclamation to which their lands were being subject. The gradually receding sea left them, every year, a yard or so more ground, and as the sea went out, quite as a matter of course, their boundary walls went out also, the owners naturally concluding that what was nobody's before, must be theirs henceforth. They were not allowed, however, to long dwell in blissful ignorance of the obligation they had, all unwittingly, assumed. One fine day, a Government Commission swooped down upon them, and assessed that naturally reclaimed land at a thumping figure. Then there was dismay and consternation amongst those who had extended their boundaries and, finally, a committee of arbitration was appointed to settle the affair. The result of their delibreations was soon made known, and the landowners had to pay down a lump sum of $55,000, to "be used in some work of public utility in Penang." The money was collected and placed in the hands of the Singapore Government, who promptly used it in defraying part of the expenses of the Perak war, which was then being waged. For years the Penangites urged upon the Government the necessity for a Town Hall here, and, at length, wearied out by the importunities of our old time townsfolk, doubtless, the Government concluded to let them have the money back — sans interest — for the purpose required. $25,000 of the amount went towards the construction of a Chinese Town Hall and, with the balance of $30,000, the Penang Town Hall was then built, as a place of public amusement, some $5,000 being added by the Municipality. Thus, the Town Hall is neither Government nor Municipal property, but the property of the people, and theirs to do what they like with. If the Municipality can show us any deed or document confirming its right to locate its offices in the Town Hall, we shall be satisfied and hold the peace for ever; but we have every reason to believe that this cannot be done. What we have now to do, is to propose that we, the town's folk of Penang, pay back the Municipality its original expenditure of $5,000 towards the expenses of erecting offices for its employees, and, forming ourselves into a sort of syndicate, take over the Town Hall, its up-keep, and its revenues, for the purpose of which a motion should at once be laid before the Municipal Commissioners. The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser (Weekly), 15 December 1891, Page 377

Inaugural Issue of Straits Times (1835) Acknowledges Pinang Gazette And Other Penang Papers

SINGAPORE. Thursday, 8th October, 1835. In giving our first number to the Public we think it a fitting occasion, and no inappropriate part of our present task, to take a retrospect of the various Newspapers which have preceded us in the Straits Settlements, since the first establishment of British Authority at Prince of Wales Island, not certainly so much with the intention either to review their labours, or decide upon their respective merits, as merely to enumerate their names and sketch their several histories. In acknowledgement of the claims of seniority, we commence with the papers of Prince of Wales Island. The first Newspaper published in that Settlement was called the "Prince of Wales Island Gazette." This paper appears to have existed during a term of 22 years before its discontinuance in August 1827, when, in consequence of some remarks contained in a former number relating to the Siamese Treaty, it was put down by Government, altho' the offensive number had passed the Censor unquestioned - the first but not the only similar exercise of power by our late ruling authorities which we shall here have to record. A new paper was [unreadable] of appearing under the name of the "Pinang Register and Miscellany," the first number of which was published on the 22nd of August in the same year. It was printed once a fortnight, and was conducted with considerable ability and industry - it entertained liberal views and espoused popular [unreadable] altho' the Editor appears to have inn [unreadable] measure advocated the wisdom of [unreadable] restrictions to which the Indian [unreadable] selected. It was doomed [unreadable] istence and in [unreadable] cession by the "Government Gazette, Prince of Wales Island, Singapore and Malacca," which issued its first number on the 25th Oct. 1828, and was published weekly. As its name betokens, it arose under the immediate patronage of Government of which it was the official organ. The Editorship was confided to a Military Gentleman of, we believe, admitted ability and acquirements; but a Government atmosphere does not appear to have been favourable to their just exercise and development; and the Editor does not seem to have been seconded in his efforts by any great display of the "latent talent" of Pinang which he had taken some pains to evoke. Deprived of the sunshine of authority, this paper closed its short career on the 3rd. July 1830; [unreadable] Government which had brought it into [unreadable] abolished. Between the termination of [unreadable] and the establishment of any succeeding [unreadable] in Pinang an interval occurred of [unreadable] than three years duration, it [unreadable] the 20th. July 1833 that a [unreadable] Prince of Wales Island Gazette" [unreadable] appearance, a paper which still [unreadable] be published weekly, and closes the [unreadable] journals of that end of the Straits. [unreadable] known to most of our readers [unreadable] British Settlement un- [unreadable] and it was not long [unreadable] newspaper called the [unreadable] which was first published [unreadable] September 1826. This was very [unreadable] the first Newspaper ever published in that venerable Colony, it was printed once a fortnight at the Mission Press attached to the Anglo-Chinese College, and under considerable difficulties and with humble pretensions figured respectably until it close in October 1829. The strenuous and unshrinking zeal with which the Editor had for some time exposed the system of slavery still prevailing in that settlement, attracted about that time the particular resentment of Government, which to effect the suppression of the Observer, had recourse to a system of intimidation and other acts of petty tyranny as utterly contemptible as they were finally effective. Singapore, like Malacca, numbers only one Newspaper, altho' unlike it in its fortunes as in many other respects. It is now nearly thirteen years since the Singapore Chronicle was first published, and it was then, and has since continued the only Newspaper printed in the Island. Its earlier numbers were appreciated for their interesting accounts of the natural resources of the Islands and countries of the Archipelago and for the knowledge they evince of their commercial and political history, and of the manners and customs of their inhabitants. It was for several years after its first appearance published only once a fortnight and printed on a quartro sheet, but in 1830 it began to issue weekly on an extended scale, and for some time after continued to be valued on account of its important commercial details and other interesting matter. With the Singapore Chronicle we complete the notice of allourpredecessors in the Straits. It would appear from the foregoing sketch that if Journalism had not retrograded within late years among the Straits communities it does not seem to have advanced, and if not on the score of activity, at least on that of intelligence and ability, we are compelled to say the present state of the Straits press must sustain a disadvantageous comparison with earlier times. We now come to speak of ourselves; a task with which we will affect no reluctance, as on the present occasion we know it will be looked for, and being according to established custom becomes therefore a species of duty. Of the causes and motives which originated the publication of this Newspaper in a community so limited as this, we have spoken in our Prospectus; and if what we have written there and above fails to shew that we are not [to] be considered "too many," the reception which has attended our call for Public support, here as elsewhere, is, we believe, rather conclusive evidence that it is thought "we're wanted." Something, however, may yet remain to be said as to the manner in which we intend to vindicate and maintain our claims to public favor; but for that purpose we do not think it necessary to set out with pompous announcements of any kind, or to make any of those fine promises which so frequently remain debtors to the performances that follow, which so often "Come like Truth, and disappear like dreams." It will be our main object in this paper to make it the vehicle of useful and accurate information relating to the trade of this port, and to discuss questions more or less intimately connecting themselves with its commercial interests or [unreadable] the general prosperity of the Settlement, And in the [unreadable] we [unreadable] correct [unreadable] most [unreadable] of the colony. [unreadable] legislative measure at [unreadable] upon the [unreadable] and policy of our Indian Government [unreadable] calculated to influence [unreadable] commercial or local interests for good [unreadable] of course part of our plan, [unreadable] shall have frequent occasion [unreadable] attention of our readers to [unreadable] and fiscal regulations of [unreadable] which have so long shewed [unreadable] late hostiley on our [unreadable] such other subjects [unreadable] largely from Europe News, to mingle in European politics,to discuss the state of parties, or laud the qualifications of Ministers or the virtues of the opposition; but in making it our province to eschew such subjects as these, it will not be to the exclusion of any interesting portion of late European intelligence. It now, we believe, only remains for us to assure the public that ready insertion will be given to all communications from correspondents on such questions which for fitting subkects of public discussion, when divested of mere personalities, and conceived in a spirit of fairness and candour. In subordination to these principles our columns will always be open to entire freedom of discussion and enquiry. Tags: #HistoryOfPenang #StraitsTimes #PinangGazetteAndStraitsChronicle #PrinceOfWalesIslandGazette Notes: Print unreadable where paper is torn or damaged. The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser (1835-1869), 8 October 1835, Page 2

The Penang Riots of 1863

(From "the Pinang Argus, August 20.) The Chinere Hoeys here, have for some time past ceased their feuds and fights, and are apparently on terms of perfectly good understanding with each other, being convinced perhaps, that it is their true interest to fraternize and remain at peace. Other secret Associations however now threaten to reenact the disgraceful Street riots that formerly disturbed the peace of the Town. The two Mahomedan rival factions have again renewed their feuds, and are now actively engaged in attacking each other on the public roads and thoroughfares, and particularly on their own burial ground in Jalan Sampah, their old battlefield. The first collision between the hostile bands took place on Friday last on the occasion of a funeral procession passing Chuliah Street, when brick bats and sticks were hurled by the contending parties at each other and had if not been for the prompt interference of the Police, the affray would have become much more serious. Since then, numerons assaults on individuals belonging to one or other of the Societies, have been committed on the public highways. The plan, introduced by Colonel Man du-ring the Chinese disturbances, of compelling some of the head men of the Cougsees to serve as special Constables and act along with the Police, is known to have operated beneficially. There is every reason to be-lieve, that the adoption of some such measure regarding these Mahomedan associations, will conduce to an equally beneficial result. Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, 27 August 1863, Page 4.

The Penang Rtiots of 1863

PINANG. 一 CHINESE RIOTS. From the Pinang Argus, March 19. The prompt measures of the authorities in swear-ing in a number of Special Constables indifferently from the ranks of the Tua-peh-kong and Hoseng Societies, and in keeping them hard at work, has we are glad to say prevented a repetition of the disgraceful riots we had to notice last week. In the meantime arbitrators have adjudicated in Chinese fashion on the grounds of quarrel between the two parties and are now busy, acting under legal advice, in drawing up an agreement, binding the headmen on each side in heavy penalties in ease of any future rows. As a set off however to this promising state of things, the ill-feeling between the two Hoeys continues strong as ever. Cowardly assaults and robberies are daily occurring and the scenes of violence which have ben checked in our streets, are being enacted over again in the harbour. In-dependent of the usual fighting on occasions like the present among the sampan-men, the crews of several of the junks have been making attacks and reprisals on one another, and a vessels bound to Lahroot [Larut] with some 24 passengers is said to have been boarded at right by a party of a Tua-peh-kong men and looted of every thing. In some cases fire-arms have been used and several wounded men been sent on shore. One poor fellow died yesterday in hospital from a gunshot wound in his belly, and an open verdict of wilful murder has been returned by the Coroner's jury. In the presence of facts like these so constantly brought to notice on the recurrence of Hoey disturbances the most serious feature of all is the indifference of the public at large, and the bitter absence hitherto of any action on their part either to mark their disapprobation of illegal societies or to call on Government to adopt strict measures for their suppression. The only explanation of this apathy is selfish in the extreine. It may be quite true that these rows are seldom matters of serious inconvenience to the European community. It is also more than probable that any outspoken protests or active proceedings against the Hoeys, would be resented by the Chinese and the popularity of our merchants endangered. But if our leading men hang back and refuse their moral support to the Government, in abating these nuisances, which throw a discredit on the administration of law and order, they incur a heavy responsibility. We will even go further, and unhesitatingly charge many of them with directly fostering and encouraging these disorders. For proof we point to the riots in 1857 when Pinang was in a state of seige, trade at a stand-still, and the entire Chinese population arranged against the Government. What, we ask, was the course pursued by the public? Was it a manly, vigorous, uncompromising line of action? Were meetings called to express indignation against the rioters? Were the headmen of the Hoeys treated will the rigour due to their turbulence? Were the authorities called on to suppress the power of these societies with a high hand? Or did not the disturbers of the peace of the Settlement, meet with ready champions and apologists from the very ranks of the European society? For our part, we heard of nothing from this quarter but the wrongs of the Chinese. Popular indignation worked itself off in a streain of abuse against the Police, and the very men who the day before defied, with arms in their hands, all law and order, were invited to come forward and supply a Com-mittee of their own avowed partisans, with a de-tailed account of all their fancied grievances; which, in a moment of weakness, the local authorities endorsed for the favourable consideration of the Supreme Government. This temporising line of conduct, coupled with the eager championship of their advocates, has rendered the Chinese com-munity in Pinang intolerably insolent and lawless, while the subsequent culpable indifference of the community at large, has given full swing to professedly illegal societies, without eliciting a re-monstrance from any quarter. In Singapore it is very different. The public there is more independent than in Pinang, and, with not half the provocation to action, the lead-ing men of every class have spoken out from time to time, denouncing the pretensions of the Hoeys as a social evil of the greatest magnitude. On the slightest disturbances, indignation meetings have been held. Grand-Juries have made their presentments, and the press has teemed with protests. A good healthy spirit like this is sadly wanted in our society, and while deploring its absence, we look altogether to the local Government as bound to do something to re-establish their prestige, and to show that the law is strong enough to effectual-ly punish, not only those caught committing overt acts, but also to reach the ringleaders. We do not ourselves advocate at present the introduction of any fresh legislation against the Hoeys, but we think that the reins of Government might be drawn considerably tighter; and that the present riots have afforded good grounds for the withdrawal of many indulgences at present actually claimed as their right by these societies, and for the absolute refusal of permits for any kind of Hoey demonstration. Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, 2 April 1863, Page 3.

PENANG ICE IN SINGAPORE.

Says the Singapore Free Press :-A reference to another column will show that the public of Singapore have reason to congratulate themselves on an increased supply of that almost necessary luxury-ice. The long-talked of arrangement of the Penang Ice Company has at length taken practical form, and in future ice will be obtainable from their established depot in Singapore. Specially-constructed cases will bring down the material from Penang, and its quality is vouched for, while from 25 to 30 tons a week can be placed in the Singapore market. Made at Batu Fahringi, some twelve miles from Penang, with water obtained from a mountain stream, free from vegetable matter, the ice is claimed to be exceptionally clear and crystalline. The works are able to turn out from twelve to fourteen tons a day, and as the process is an ammonia-compression one, there is no air-core. With good quality and cheapness combined, the new venture should attract a fair share of the public patronage, which, indeed, the enterprise shown deserves. Pinang Gazette and Straits Chronicle, 6 December 1889, Page 5

WHEN WAS GLUGOR HOUSE DEMOLISHED?

December 1923 brought news of a "new Marine Depot behind Glugor House." In mid-1937 it was announced in the Government Gazette that a new military barracks at Penang will be on part of Glugor Estate, near the fifth mile of the main road to Bayan Lepas, 259 acres of which was being negotiated for that purpose. It was understood that this was being made up from two separate sections in Mukim 13, one piece measuring 237 acres and the other 22 acres. Beginning near the fifth milestone of the Glugor-Bayan Lepas Road on the way to the Penang Aerodrome, it was to extend as far as the village of Bukit Sungei Dua. Work began on barracks and batteries at Glugor in March 1938. A cantonment was built, intended to provide barracks for a troop of around 700 souls. The new barracks was said to be an improvement on those at Selerang Park, where the 2nd Battalion, The Gordon Highlands, were quartered. Early March 1939 brought news of the occupation of the barracks at Glugor. The War Office, Penang, then situated at the F.M.S. Railway Building, transferred to the newly completed barracks at Glugor. The Singapore Free Press published, "The area acquired at Glugor for the barracks has now completely changed from its former aspect. The swamp has been filled and levelled, and a big playing field has been completed by the side of the road, while the barracks occupy the small hill. The area has been turned into a model colony." At that time work widening the road from Jelutong to Glugor and the aerodrome was almost complete. The 6th Singapore Heavy Battery, Hong Kong-Singapore Royal Artillery was expected to relocate to Penang on 15th March. At the end of March 1939, the press reported that a new telephone exchange, called Batu Uban, was opened in the district in line with the occupation of the military barracks at Glugor. Tenders were called for in December 1952 for fruit gathering rights at Minden Barracks, Glugor. In the Straits Times of 24th February 1957 Donald Davies wrote, "Glugor House, which once stood on the site of Trainer Bagby's racing stables, was demolished years ago and all that remains today is a heavy marble bath imported from Italy." This he repeated in the Straits Times Annual of 1961, where he added that the bath was in the possession of the estate manager and the "Many ancient and gnarled angsana trees, which at one time surrounded the old mansion, still survive." Davies had in December 1955 written of John Turnbull Thomson's visit to Glugor house on 7th August 1838, in the Straits Times of December 1955, but at that time he had made no mention of its demolition or the Italian bath that remained of it. There was an article in the Straits Times from November 1949 written by Katharine Sim. And it is the best source, so far, to pin down the time of the demolition of Glugor house. The relevant part of it reads, ".....and his house was built on lavish lines, sprawling all over the little hill top that lies next to the army's own hill now at Glugor; the big stone gate posts can still be seen on the highroad and the great angsana trees that once outlined the drives are still alive. The house was standing 25 years ago..... .....At first it is difficult to find the least vestige of any building, but we met an old Tamil labourer who showed us the bricked kitchen floor and even the place where the great dapurs had stood, as he remembered them in his youth; and from there, no doubt, he feasted on rice and curry cooked for the labourers at festivals." If accurate, this last means that Glugor House was torn down around 1924. This seems to be consistent with the news of the new marine depot at the back of Glugor House in 1923, probably the beginning of land acquisition of Glugor Estate for military use. But as it was not demolished for the construction of the barracks, the actual reason for its demolition still remains a mystery. References - The Straits Times, 6 December 1923, Page 8 - Pinang gazette and Straits chronicle, 19 July 1937, Page 2 - Straits Budget, 3 March 1938, Page 11 - The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser, 6 March 1939, Page 7 - Pinang gazette and Straits chronicle, 29 March 1939, Page 16 - The Straits Times, 3 November 1949, Page 8 - The Straits Times, 20 December 1952, Page 2 - The Straits Times, 11 December 1955, Page 14 - The Straits Times, 24 February 1957, Page 12 - Straits Times Annual, 1 January 1961, Page 24-25

The Penang Fire of JANUARY 1846

PINANG. The Fire (From the Pinang Gazette, Jany. 24.) On Wednesday a little before 1 p.m. a fire broke out in an Attap building situated on a piece of ground in George Town bounded on the east by Pitt Street, on the west by Love Lane, on the north by Stewart's Lane and on the south by Chooliah Road. This spot of ground comprises between four and five orlongs. Previous to the fire it was covered with Native houses made of wood and attaps: these were either united in rows, or only a few feet apart from each other, and the intervening spaces were filled up with growing Cocoanut and Betelnut trees. The Streets and Lanes bounding the ground were lined on each side with houses, many of which - especially in the Lanes - were constructed of the same inflammable materials. There had been no rain for several days; the sun was very powerful; the wind was blowing fresh from the north and every circumstance was in favour of the fire. Very soon after the alarm was given, Mr. Lewis the superintendent of Police, a number of the European Residents, the Police Constables and a body of Police peons with two fire engines were on the spot; Captain Ferrier the Superintendent of Province Wellesley, Captain Macpherson and several Artillerymen from the Fort followed; every exertion was made to check the progress of the fire but for a while to no purpose. The wind was then strong; the stream from the engines - often interrupted from the want of good supply of water and apparently also from some defect in the engines themselves - had no effect whatever in quenching the violence of the flames which spread with great rapidity. House after house was consumed and in less than 20 minutes a mass of buildings occuplying a space of at least 200 yards square were burnt to the ground, and most of the trees were all in flames being rapidly consumed. The fire had then reached Choolia Road, two or three attap shops on the north side of which were already burned, and the fire had spread over to the south side of the street where the attap roof of a shop caught fire. At that instant the wind fortunately changed and blew from the southward, and the burning attp roof was then extinguished by one of the engines, and the progress of the fire was thus stopped in that direction. The wind was however still strong and the flames from the burning trees stretched northward and set fire to the adjoining attap houses. The fire again rages with great fury; the engines were again perfectly useless; there were no hooks or parangs by which houses could be cut and pulled down, and the fire thus spread uncontrouled with fearful strides and force to the sides of Stewart's Lane. The wooden and attap houses on the opposite side of the Lane were then in great danger - behind which is the Protestant Free School - and the Chinese Temple only escaped from having been built of solid masonry. At the critical moment the wind calmed and veered backwards and forwards; Captain Rochfort the commanding officer, and a number of sepoys of the 27th Regiment arrived; Captain Cook of the Schooner Aligator also came with a number of her crew, and fire hooks and parangs were obtained from the Fort. Better order was then maintained; a more plentiful supply of water kept up and the stream from the engines now made some impression upon the fire which was burning with less force. The fire was got under about 3 o'clock, through the exertions of the Seamen and Sepoys, who broke off the communication of combustible articles by cutting and pulling down trees and houses in the direction the fire took; but it was not until 10 o'clock at night that the embers were finally extinguished. It was curious to observe the effect the fire had upon the minds of those present. Af first all was confusion. There was no one to take a general management and direction, and the different Native classes seemed altogether unwilling to afford any assistance. Those who had property at state were busily engaged removing such articles of furniture &c. as they desired to save from destruction; those who had nothing to lose stood and looked on at a distance with apparend indifference; others again stood like statues stupified and confounded. One man in this condition was suddenly awoke from his reverie by observing a palankeen bursting into flames (which might easily have been removed before hand) and striking his breast he exclaimed "Allah! behold, my carriage is on fire." Some were almost frantic from fear of the fire extending, and from danger of thieves gaining an extrance to their houses during the confusion that prevailed; they had parties stationed at their windows, doors and gate ways with drawn swords and spears guarding their property against the latter, and messengers going and returning to report on the progress of the fire. The natural reluctance which those people had to allow strangers and especially convicts to enter their premises occasioned an obstacle to obtaining a good supply of water for the engines. A few there were who came from curiosity alone and expressed admiration of the beautyof the flame running up the slender stems of the Betelnut-trees, and of the splendour of the conflagration. Almost every European Resident was present giving all the aid he personally could and endeavouring by his example and solicitation to induce the native community to assist to extinguish the fire. Some of those deserve the thanks of the public for their unsparing exertions. The Superintendent of Police was on the spot almost immediately the fire took place, and he was observed throughout the whole period exerting himself to the utmost of his power. We must particularly notice the invaluable assistance afforded by the Superintendent of Province Wellesley, the Registrar of the Court of Judicature, Captain Macpherson of the Fort, and Captain Cook of the schooner Alligator. The latter discharged three alarm guns from his vessel, and with a praise worthy humanity, immediately hastened on shore to the site of the fire where he and his crew were very conspicuous in helping to pull down a house by which means the fire was got under. We hope the Assessment department will not allow the services of the crew to be passed over unrewarded. A detachment of the 27th Regiment also arrived from the cantonments and not only joined in the general aid but afforded protection against pillage. The Commander and crew of the Gunboat did essential service in preventing the extension of the fire to a house on the north side of Stewart's Lane of which there ws at one time very great danger. We would fail in our duty if we omitted to mention the great want of implements at command. There were neither water buckets, parangs nor fire hooks available until after the fire had committed great ravages. We would suggest that a complete supply of these be kept in readiness at every Police Tannah within the limits of the Town. The fire engines also were wretched and ought to be replaced by good and efficient ones. Those at present kept for use might afterwards be sold; they would be found very useful to Spice planters for sprinkling water over fruit trees - the only useful purpose they could seerve; assuredly they are utterly useless for the work they are kept for and occasionally put to. It struck us as being an extremely injudicious act to call the convicts from the Lines to assist in putting out the fire. It might easily have been apprehended that the Overseers could exercise little surveillane over them amidst so much confusion, and that the Convicts, as soon as they escaped observation and felt their movements unconctouled, would busy themselves in matters which did not belong to honest men. This is in fact what happened; and it was a long time before the Overseer could collect the banditti who were any where but where they ought to have been. We have heard of several robberies alleged to have been committed by them. They doubtless considered it fine sport and were by no means desirous to put a stop to it. On another occasion we would not callfor convicts unless we were bent on mischief and incendiariam. We are happy to state that the only lives sacrificed were those of a few pigs, goats, dogs, fowls, rats and other vermin. A poor unfortunate rat, was seen running across the roof of a burning house, evidently much surprised and discomposed at the increase of tempreature - he perished in the flames. We believe the number of houses and huts consumed are estimated at about one hundred. The amount of moveable and fixed property destroyed at from six to ten thousand dollars. During yesterday a number of petitions for relief from different of the sufferers were going the usual rounds. In case of imposture, it would be advisable for parties to reserve their assistance until the police have had time to investigate the matter, and a general subscription, under the management of it or of parties appointed for the purpose, is called for to afford assistance where it is really required. The fire ought to be a caution to the local authorities which they should no soon forget. We saw the Resident Councillor there, and, we think, that after having personally witnessed the great extent of property destroyed in so short a period, he must now be fully impressed with the danger of Attap buildings or of Attap roofs within the limits of the Town. He will now bow to the wisdom of his predecessors who in July 1817 made a regulation prohibiting such building in Town; he will feel some qualms of conscience that he and his subordinates should have so long permitted so salutary a regulation to be so negligently observed; and he will blush with shame at the Government itself having for upwards of a year past infringed its own order. The spot of ground on which the fire happened is marked out in the Plan of 1817 as being within the limits of the Town, and therefore all houses built thereon were subject to the Regulation alluded to; yet, it is a fact, there were not three houses, within the square, roofed with tiles, and very many of those lining the streets in the neighbourhood were made of wood and Attaps or of Attaps alone. That the fire did not extend to more important parts of the Town is solely to be attributed to the very providential circumstance of the wind changing at a very critical moment, and of a calm succeeding at another perilous instant. Had it not been for these changes there is no estimating what the destruction might have been both south and north. In the former direction it is not improbable that all what is termed the native Town - comprehending Chulia Road, Acheen street, Malaya street even as far as Soonghy Prangin - would have been lost; this part of the Town consists mostly of wooden shops filled with timber, dammer, oil and all sorts of combustibles, and there would have been much difficulty in saving any portion of it. In a north direction again there is the Protestant Free School which was in some danger, the English Church, the Court house and several houses belonging to and occupied by English Residents. Had the fire extended either south or north we think the proprietors of houses built of proper materials would have hsd a very good claim against the Government or its Official for damage sustained on account of their having permitted, in the face of a regulation to the contrary, combusitble materials to remain in the neighbourhood. The Grand Jury have on two successive Criminal Sessions represented to the Court the great danger of the Attap roof on the government buildings. We do not think the Court on either occasion gave the complaint the attention which the subject required. The Recorder in reply to the first presentation said the circumstance "must, he concluded, be a mere temporary meadure, consequent perhaps on the necessity of a reference to Bengal for the sanction of a more expensive roofing." Now if his supposition was correct which we believe it is, still we hold that was no excuse or reason why a wealthy Government should for a paltry saving to its Treasury be allowed to endanger the lives and property of its subjects even for a short period and far less for months. Would the present local authority be content for the same reason to submit the Government Offices to similar danger from the act of any of the private residents in the vicinity? We venture to say he would not - nor would we blame him, but we weould have him do unto others as he would be done to. Again to the second, the Recorder was understood to reply "the Court could not originate any suit to act to prevent it, but if a case was brought against the Government the court would treat it just in the same manner as if it were one brought against a private individual." Now we think the Court could interfere A formal complaint was made to it. The Recorder admitted the Attap roof to be a buisance and that the Court at Quarter Sessions had the power to order its removal. The Recorder therefore might have and we think should have, issued an order at Quarter Session directed to the person who put the attaps where they are, or directed it to be done, or to the Superintendent of Police, to remove them. It is absurd to speak of indicting the E.I. Company. If such was tried and if they were found guilty what can be done? A Corporation cannot be imprisoned - if fined the Charter directs the Court to pay the fine back to the Government. - We regret to notice that two attempts were made to set fire to certain attap shops in Chulia Street and an attp house in Hutton's Lane night before last, which unfortunately were timely discovered, between 7 and 8 o'c.lock - a large quantity of China joss paper with oiled rags having been found at the extremity of one of the shops situated in the former Street, while a lighted dammer and some dry cocoanut husks were placed against the lower wall or partition of an attap house occupied by a relation of the late Rajah of Queda reported to be possessed of some property. The Chinese new year is approaching, and we caution all the community to be on their guard against those miscreants who are prowling about in every direction to gratify their gambling and other licentious propensities. The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser (1835-1869), 12 February 1846, Page 2 Tags: #HistoryOfPenang #1846 #12February1846 #PinangGazette #GeorgeTown #ProvinceWellesley #PittStreet #LoveLane #ChooliahRoad #Stewart'sLane Hutton'Lane #FortCornwallis #PenangFreeSchool #Lewis #Ferrier #Rochfort #Cook #Fire #Arson #AttapBuildings #NativeHouses #EastIndiaCompany #EIC

Krian in History

PINANG. Tuanku Daee. (From the Pinang Gazette, January 29.) After the mission to Quedah, noticed in a former paper, it appears, the Authorities received a communication from Tunku Daee requesting that Mr Lewis might again be sent so that his chiefs, whom he had assembled, might have the subject explained and hear the intention and determination of the East India Company from the lips of the envoy himself. At the same time the Tunku addressed Mr Nairne soliciting his assistance and advice as a friend in the matter. Accordingly the Governor despatched the steamer Hooghly, on Saturday evening last, with both gentlemen on board, and the conference having ended the steamer returned to the harbour on Monday morning. The present question between the parties, so far as we are enabled to understand it, is, as follows. The disputed piece of land is called the Krian, situate between the Kwala Krian---the southern boundary of Province Wellesley---and Kwala Kurrau---which according to the Quedah people, is the northern boundary of Pera. It stretches along the coast for about 30 miles, contains a population of about a thousand Malayan families, the land is of superior quality, well cultivated, at present covered with the most luxuriant paddie crops and yields an annual revenue of about two thousand dollars. Previously to the Siamese invasion of Quedah in 1821---the expulsion of the King from his territory, ---the heartless abandonment of their Ally by the East India Company, and their Treaty with Siam in 1826---Krian was under the government of Quedah and was a part of that Kingdom. Soon after these events and when Quedah was in possession of Siam, Pera took advantage of the confusion prevailing, sought to extend her northern limits from Kwala Kurrau to Kwala Krian, and solicited the intervention and assistance of the East India Company in the matter. In compliance with this requisition a Company's Officer and 40 Sepoys were despatched in two Brigs to Pera in the year 1827, or thereabouts, and were received by the King, the Rajah Mudah, the Rajah Bindahara and other high officers, with whom they resided for about three weeks, when it was finally settled between them without reference to Quedah that the northern boundaries of Pera extended as far as the Kwala Krian, and that thenceforward the district of that name should form a part of the Pera territory. Immediately thereafter the Pera people took possession. When the Siamese restored the King of Quedah to his country in 1842, Quedah soon afterwards expelled Pera from Krian, which it has since retained. Pera made frequent unsuccessful efforts to recover herself, and at length applied to her Ally the East India Company to put her again in possession-hence the present dispute. We noticed in our last number that the East India Company have a Treaty with Quedah, dated June 1800; another with Siam, dated June 1826; and a third with Pera, dated October 1826.---It is on the two last that the Indian Government attempts to justify its present conduct, professing to be actuated only by the principle of maintaining good faith with Allies. The power of the East India Company is again to be thrown into the scale against Quedah. The Ben. gal Government have given peremptory orders to expel her from Krian and replace Pera in possession of that district. The arguments of our local Authorities, in favour of that proceeding, are, so far as we have learned and are able to comprehend them, to the effect: first---That by the Siamese conquest of Quedah and the expulsion of the King the Treaty of 1800 became a dead letter; second---That by the Treaty with Siam of 1826, Quedah is acknowledged to be a possession of Siam, and by the consent of that Power, obtained in 1827, the East India Company settled the northern boundary of Pera---then a subject of dispute between Siam and Pera---to be the Kwala Krian; third---That during all the time the Siamese exercised direct authority over Quedah, and during the rule of their Governor (a Malay) Tunku Amun (i. e. immediately before the King of Quedah, the present Tunku Daee's father, was restored,) Pera continued in undisputed possession of Krian, and fourth---that Quedah on the restoration of the old King in 1842 was still merely a dependency of Siam, therefore the seizure of Krian by it was a direct violation of the 14th article of the Treaty of Siam, and that as the East India Company prides itself upon its good faith with all its allies, it must maintain its character with Pera, and consequently if the Quedah people will not withdraw quietly, the Company will again point its guns against them and compel them to do so nolens volens. Quedah in reply states: first---That Quedah was an independent country in possession of the Malays for centuries before the East India Company took possession of Pinang; second---That in 1786 when Pinang was ceded to the East India Company, Quedah was acknowledged then to be altogether independent of Siamese interference; third---That the cession of that Island was made to, and received by, the East India Company upon the express understanding of support and protection against Ava and Siam---powerful and relentless enemies of Quedah;* fourth---That their confidence in the good faith of the East India Company was abused by assistance not having been afforded them during the Siamese invasion of 1821-22; fifth---That the 2nd article of the Treaty of 1800 was infringed by the East India Company not having promptly repelled the Siamese at the time when that power threatened Pulo Pinang and partially invaded the opposite coast---demanding the fugitive King's body dead or alive; sixth---That the unhallowed alliance which the East India Company entered into with the Siamese in 1826 is, as far as it respects Quedah, a direct violation of the law of Nations, a gross infringement of the obligations the Company had previously come under, and is based on principles the most cruel and unjust to the oppressed Malays; seventh---That as the late King of Quedah took refuge in Pinang at the express invitation of the Governor his confidence was again shamefully abused by the hard-hearted banishment the East India Company forced upon him in compliance with the requisition of their new Ally; eight---That the Malays having been expelled Quedah after twice re-possessing themselves of their country, by the East India Company, and having been opposed by that power in all their efforts to drive out the Siamese and being now reduced to a vassal of Siam, it is insulting a weak and powerless people to negotiate with them on the subject of the Pera boundary; ninth ---That in 1842 when restored to their country by the Siamese they were ordered to repossess themselves of all their former territories, and that they are prepared with proof---both recorded and traditional---that Krian, for ages before and at the time of the Siamese invasion formed a part of Quedah, and tenth---That Siam denies ever having consented to Krian being given up to Pera that when applied to by the English Siam declared herself ignorant of the boundaries of Quedah but requires Tunku Daee to retain his rightful limits and that consequently the Tunku is placed in a position either to incur the displeasure of a savage and blood thirsty Master, or to give offence to a fickle and faithless party. We do not intend in this days issue to make any additional remarks to those already offered in our two previous numbers upon the present question, but we may in a future paper give a succinct history of the connection of Quedah with the East India Company and the results which have arisen therefrom. We have no desire to hamper the Government in its negotiations they may be based on the most anxious desire to act justly by all Parties, but we can allow no consideration to blind us to the fact that the existing difficulty is the natural consequence of that crooked Policy which has been the cause of so much blood shed and a loss of both money and character. Suffice it however to say for the present we deem it a matter greatly and ever to be regretted that the East India Company should by the Treaty of Siam of 1826 and the subsequent banishment of their old Ally the King of Quedah---have lowered themselves to a level with a contemptable Power like Siam, and cast a blot upon the British character never to be effaced. * So little did the Governor General in Council, at the breaking out of the Burmese War, know about these States that he was easily prevailed upon to believe that it would be desirable to propitiate Siam with the sacrifice of so insignificant a friend or Ally as Quedah---if indeed the Treaty of 1800 was ever brought his notice---in fact, we have good grounds for believing that his negotiator was not aware of the existence of the Quedah Treaty of 1800 till after 1826! † Some of our readers may remember the following among other observations on the same subject of an old Servant of the East India Company high in office at the Island about 20 years ago when the Siamese Treaty was first published in the Straits. "How far," says he, " we have any right to bind the King of Quedah, from attempting the recovery of his Dominions we will not stop to discuss; but we challenge any person to produce from the many cases that purposely refrained from noticing the efforts made by the East India Company to coerce Quedah into their wishes by stopping the subsidy since the beginning of 1844. We believe the barbarian Court of Bankok, in expressing its opinion on this point to the Governor of the Straits stigmatized the act as shabby and altogether unworthy of the East India Government. The style of a communication from one of the Straits Authorities to Quedah on the same subject, is strongly akin to that of the Bankok Court as drawn by Colonel Burney. The Portuguese Consul at Bankok," says he, "once gave great offence to the King, by appealing to the Pera King's engagement with the Governor of Goa for immunity from some demand that was made against a Portuguese trader; he was told that he ought to have appealed to the benevolence of the King, and not to any written engagement." Fortunately for Tunku Daee, the Siamese Chiefs, who had come down to settle about the extension of our boundary at Kota, were present when the Steamer arrived. We believe the Tunku's reply is to effect that as the East India Company are determined to replace Pera in Krian, and as Quedah is powerless against the English, the Pungulu in charge will be desired to retire before the 5th proximo, accompanied with a request that the Governor would use his influence in behalf of the Quedah inhabitants there, who are all poor people, to secure for them their crops of paddie before being compelled to leave. The Siamese alleged they had not come down on the matter of Kota, but to call Tunku Daee to the Court of Ligore on other business-a mere pretext on finding how matter respecting Krian had advanced. It appears none of the Chiefs either of Quedah or Pera will be present at Krian on the 5th proximo. If so the Governor we presume, does not intend to go down in person with a Company's steamer and a British man of war to meet a few Pangulus and some naked Malays. Since writing the above we learn that the Steamer has again been sent to Quedah---Mr Wilson the deputy Superintendent of Province Wellesley being the envoy on this occasion. The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser (1835-1869), 17 February 1848, Page 4

SIAPA ADA KUASA?

 

SIAPA ADA KUASA?

16. The functions of the [Penang Heritage] Commissioner shall be to—

(a) ensure that this Enactment is administered, enforced, given effect to, carried out and complied with;

17. The [Penang Heritage] Commissioner shall have all such powers as may be necessary for, or in connection with, or incidental to, the performance of his functions under this Enactment.

Source: State of Penang Heritage Enactment 2011

THE PENANG HERITAGE COUNCIL HAS NO AUTHORITY TO DO ANYTHING SUBSTANTIVE

THE PENANG HERITAGE COUNCIL HAS NO AUTHORITY TO DO ANYTHING SUBSTANTIVE

Under the State of Penang Heritage Enactment 2011, the Penang Heritage Council HAS NO AUTHORITY to do anything other than advise, propose, coordinate, monitor and conduct research.

Its functions, spelt out in Section 5 of the Enactment are to:

(a) advise the State Authority on any matters relating to the preservation, conservation and protection of cultural heritage or natural heritage, and matters relating to implementation of this Enactment;

(b) propose the formulation of policies on cultural heritage or natural heritage to the State Authority;

(c) consult and coordinate with the Commissioner of Heritage on matters relating to preservation, conservation and protection of cultural heritage or natural heritage;

(d) monitor and coordinate with the local planning authority in relation to the development plan for heritage site;

(e) monitor and propose any improvement to the guidelines and conservation management plant for the State Heritage;

(f) carry out study or research on cultural heritage or natural heritage; and

(g) perform any other functions which may be directed to it by the State Authority for the proper and effective implementation of this Enactment for the purpose of management, preservation and conservation of cultural heritage or natural heritage.

Is there anything in the enactment that says the approval of the Penang Heritage Council is required to list, inventory or gazette a heritage building, monument or other object?

No, there is nothing in the enactment to say this.

Anyone who wants to read it, please go to the files section where a copy of the State of Penang Heritage Enactment has been uploaded.

The Penang Heritage Council is merely a resource for the Penang Heritage Commissioner to draw on, should he need to. There is nothing to say that he needs to.

What about the functions of the Penang Heritage Commissioner? Section 16 spells these out:

(a) ensure that this Enactment is administered, enforced, given effect to, carried out and complied with;

(b) declare any cultural heritage and natural heritage as State Heritage;

(c) coordinate with the Council in relation to the administration, preservation and conservation of heritage;

(d) advise the local planning authority, any body or other agencies in relation to the administration, preservation and conservation of heritage;

(e) establish and maintain a State Heritage Register;

(f) promote and facilitate any research relating to heritage;

(g) supervise and monitor the process of preservation and conservation of the State Heritage;

(h) organize programmes, exhibition and promotion on tourism in relation to preservation and conservation of State Heritage;

(i) formulate and issue policies, guidelines or directives in relation to management, preservation and conservation of heritage and, shall be in accordance with the policies and directions of the Commissioner of Heritage; and

(j) perform any other functions under this Enactment as directed by the State Authority from time to time.

Section 17 spells out the authority of the Penang Heritage Commissioner:

The Commissioner shall have all such powers as may be necessary for, or in connection with, or incidental to, the performance of his functions under this Enactment.

Section 18 says who can designate a heritage site and whose approval is needed:

(1) The Commissioner may with the approval of the State Authority, designate any site which has natural heritage or tangible cultural heritage value to be a heritage site.

(2) For the purpose of subsection (1), the Commissioner may consult with the Council before obtaining the approval of the State Authority.

So, who has the power?

The Penang Heritage Council?

Is the Penang Heritage Council the one to make decisions on any matters relating to the preservation, conservation and protection of cultural heritage or natural heritage, and matters relating to implementation of this Enactment?

No, they can only advise the State Authority on those things but have no power to decide them.

Who then has the power? From the words above, the State Authority has the power to decide.

Can the Penang Heritage Council formulate policies on cultural heritage or natural heritage?

No it cannot. It can merely propose those to the state authority.

Who has the power to formulate policy? The Penang Heritage Commissioner is the policy-maker.

Whose primary responsibility is it to make use of and enforce the State of Penang Heritage Enactment 2011?

The one whose job is to ensure that this Enactment is administered, enforced, given effect to, carried out and complied with.

The Penang Heritage Commissioner!

Whose job is it to designate any site which has natural heritage or tangible cultural heritage value to be a heritage site?

The Penang Heritage Commissioner!

Does he need approval for that?

Yes.

Whose approval does the Penang Heritage Commissioner need to designate any site which has natural heritage or tangible cultural heritage value to be a heritage site?

The State Authority.

Who is the State Authority?

The Chief Minister of Penang, at this time, Chow Kon Yeow.

Is the Penang Heritage Council actually needed for anything to be DONE?

I do not want to repeat myself, it has already been answered above, many times.